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Although Grace Church was not established until 1854, the roots of an Episcopal parish in the Madison area can be traced back to colonial days. One would not think that the Church of England would have difficulties establishing itself in the English colonies, but such was the case in northern New Jersey. Northern New Jersey was settled by Puritan New Englanders who had come via Connecticut and Long Island. They settled first in Newark and Elizabeth, and some moved west in the late seventeenth century to what became Morris County. These people were solidly Presbyterian and the Anglican church found itself a late comer.
Anglican activity in this area began under the administration of Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, royal governor of New York and New Jersey. Cornbury was a first cousin of Queen Anne and prided himself on his physical resemblance to his cousin. Despite his eccentricities, Cornbury was a devout Anglican and was determined to make sure that Church of England services were held throughout his jurisdiction.1 At the beginning of the eighteenth century there seemed little potential for such services, but some Anglicans in the royal entourage saw possibilities. Lewis Morris, Anglican and future royal governor, commented that "Elizabethtown and Newark were people[d] from New England, are generally Independents [non-Anglicans] ... [but] there are some few Churchmen [Anglicans] ... settled among them."2
At Cornbury's request, George Keith, an Anglican missionary, toured New Jersey. Keith noted in his journal that the Presbyterians did not have total hegemony. His entry of December 19th, 1703 read, "Many of that town [Elizabeth] having been formerly a sort of independents, are become well affected to the Church of England, and desire to have a minister of the Church of England sent to them."3 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.) was the vehicle of the Church of England responsible for supplying clergy to the colonies. That organization sent a missionary, Edward Vaughan, to Elizabeth in 1729. In 1731 Vaughan wrote to the S.P.G., "My congregation increaseth not only in this town, but in the neighboring towns of Newark, Whippany [i.e. Hanover Township of which Madison was then a part], and the Mountains [the Oranges] where I visit and preach to a numerous assembly occasionally." He also reported that in the last two years he had baptized 556 children and 64 adults.4 In 1736 an Anglican missionary from Connecticut, John Beach, preached in Newark and attracted an audience of over three hundred, a huge crowd for those days.5
The Anglican church was definitely making progress in the mid-eighteenth century, though people from Morris County had to rely on itinerant missionaries or travel to Trinity, Newark or St. John's, Elizabeth if they wanted to attend Anglican services. However, it is obvious that Morris County Anglicans were willing to travel, judging by the large crowds the S.P.G. missionaries attracted.
With the coming of the American Revolution, the Anglican Church in the colonies fell on hard times, especially in the north, because of its identification with royal government. Many Anglican parishes, including all but one in New Jersey, shut down completely.6 The achievement of independence for the United States created a real problem for the Anglican Church since it was now cut off from the Church of England. It could not very well continue as a constituent part of the Church of England, but it could not constitute itself as an independent Anglican Church either since it had no Episcopal hierarchy already in place. During the colonial period, Anglican parishes in America had been considered missionary posts under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London. For obvious reasons, such an arrangement was no longer feasible nor desirable. To establish itself as an independent church yet maintain apostolic continuity with the Church of England, the American church needed its own bishop. Consequently, the Rev. Samuel Seabury of Connecticut journeyed to England to seek consecration as a bishop. For reasons of canon law, as well as political expediency, no English bishop would participate in such a consecration. However, Seabury found three bishops of the non-juring Anglican Communion of Scotland * who were willing to consecrate him and they did so on November 14th, 1784 at Aberdeen.
The first General Convention of the Anglican churches in the United States met in Philadelphia in 1785. The middle and southern states were well represented, but the New England states refused to participate (largely because many outside New England questioned the validity of Seabury's consecration). Another difficulty was that New England tended to be conservative in doctrine and High Church, whereas the south tended be liberal and Low Church. (It should be stressed, however, that the terms High and Low are always relative.) In all these sectional disputes, New Jersey tended to side with New England. It took four years to iron out these disputes, but in 1789 the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America was officially organized. After considerable controversy, it was agreed that the Book of Common Prayer to be used was that of 1662 with the omission of the prayers for the Royal Family and the addition of prayers for the new government. The New Jersey delegates had been adamant in opposing any radical revision of the Prayer Book.7
Although the Episcopal Church in New Jersey grew slowly, its Tory past still not forgotten, Episcopalians in Morris County were active. From the preaching missions of Keith, Vaughan, and Beach, the nucleus of an Anglican congregation in Morristown had been present since at least 1760. Although the official founding of St. Peter's, Morristown is listed as 1826, we know that there was a congregation in Morristown calling its St. Peter's as early as 1798.8 Episcopalians in Madison attended St. Peter's and it was as an offshoot of that congregation that Grace Church was eventually formed.
In 1815 the Diocese of New Jersey was formed with John Croes as its first bishop. The church grew slowly, sometimes even experiencing periods of decline. In 1830 there were thirty-three congregations in New Jersey, but by 1832 this was down to twenty-seven with only eighteen priests.9 Croes was succeeded in 1832 by George Washington Doane, under whose leadership the church experienced remarkable growth. By 1859, the final year of Doane's reign, there were eighty-five parishes in the state, one of which was Grace Church.10
* The state church in Scotland, the Church of Scotland, is Presbyterian. The non-juring Anglicans were those who refused to change their allegiance from James II to William III in the revolution of 1688.
The first Episcopal services held in Madison commenced sometime in the late 1840s and were led by the Rev. D. Clarkson. These were of a sporadic and temporary nature. There were apparently enough Episcopalians in the Madison area to warrant Bishop Doane's instructing the rector of St. Peter's Church, Morristown, Dr. Charles Rankin, to undertake a weekly preaching mission in Madison. Rankin made arrangements with the Madison Methodist Church to hold services (Evening Prayer with sermon) there every Tuesday evening. Services commenced December 17th, 1850, attended by "probably 100 individuals, some of them familiar with the service." 1
Since Dr. Rankin was noted for his High Church views, it would be well at this point to review briefly the partisan division in the Episcopal Church up to this point.
From the time the Church of England broke with the Papacy in 1534, there were tensions between those who wanted to retain Roman doctrine and practices and those who wanted to follow the direction of the Protestant Reformers. This tension was deliberately left unresolved by Elizabeth I in the interest of unity, hence the phrase via media, middle way. The position of the Anglican Church in the American colonies was such that circumstances forced it into a Low Church posture. Frontier conditions, a severe shortage of clergy, no bishop, and poor educational facilities inevitably led the church to rely heavily on lay governance and to de-emphasize the sacraments - almost to the point where, except for Prayer Book use, it was indistinguishable from other Protestant denominations. The years during and immediately following the American Revolution found the church in such a precarious position that existing party differences were subordinated to the greater quest for survival.
It was in the period 1811-1843, when the church had regained a solid foothold in American society, that clear-cut party divisions began to appear. One group known as Hobart High Churchmen (named after the Bishop of New York, John Henry Hobart) emphasized personal devotion and Eucharistic worship and de-emphasized the need for a conversion experience. They also stressed the necessity of episcopacy and the institutional church and did not encourage cooperation with other denominations, emphasizing instead the uniqueness of Anglicanism. The other group, Evangelical or Low Churchmen, stressed the necessity of a personal conversion experience and de-emphasized the Eucharist. They felt that episcopacy was the preferable, but not essential, form of church government, and they tended to cooperate with evangelicals of other denominations.2
Around 1843 the Oxford Movement emerged in England. Also known as the Tractarian Movement, this viewpoint moved much closer to a Roman Catholic theological position, certainly much "Higher” than, say, Hobart High Churchmanship. In time this new group began to be called Anglo-Catholic and advocated "the basic principle of Catholic tradition as the true interpreter of Scripture."3 They revived medieval liturgical customs and moved toward acceptance of some Roman Catholic doctrines. While the Oxford Movement certainly revitalized the church in some aspects, it also bitterly divided the church, both in Britain and America - a division that exists today. There was also some loss of membership at both ends of the theological spectrum. Some at the very High end eventually went to the Roman Catholic Church, while others at the Low end were so horrified at the "rampant Romanism" that they headed for other Protestant denominations such as the Methodist Church or, after 1873, the Reformed Episcopal Church.4
The tendency in the Diocese of New Jersey was toward the new (Oxford) High Church position. Bishop Doane held High Church liturgical views, though he combined this with a strong evangelical element in his preaching. He was, however, accused by his enemies of "popery."5 Dr. Rankin of St. Peter's was strongly influenced by the Oxford Movement and was attracted to certain elements of Roman Catholicism, so much so that the evangelical contingent in his congregation seceded and formed a separate parish, the Church of the Redeemer, in 1852.6 We may assume that Rankin's High Church proclivities manifested themselves in Madison as well.
Rankin or his assistant, W.A.M. McVickar, preached every week in Madison and kept a journal of their activities that tells us much about the Madison group that eventually became Grace Church. Apparently, many of the people attending Rankin’s Evening Prayer services were not Episcopalians, since he noted on December 31st, 1850 that he had to explain to the congregation the advantages of Prayer Book worship "as contrasted with the usual extempore services of dissenters [i.e. non-Anglican Protestants]."7 The popularity of the Episcopal services, especially among the non-Episcopalians, rankled the long-established Protestant churches in town, the Presbyterian and the Methodist. In his entry for February 11th, 1851, Rankin commented:
The Presbyterians are pursuing the same course here that they did at Dover. They are holding protracted [revival] meetings with the hope of healing thereby their own differences and interfering with the services of the [Episcopal] Church. Having held undisputed possession for so long, they wonder at what they regard as the intrusion of the church and can find no other way to thwart her than by reviving their old system of excitement. We will see if it dies a natural death here as it did at Dover.8
The following week Rankin reported, "I find that I am charged with the intention of breaking up the Presbyterian Congregation. The opposition is very strong, one is compelled to think, in the same proportion that the system they support is weak."9 Opposition increased and spread to the Methodists. Rankin blamed this on the Presbyterians who, he claimed, "have tried to prevail on the Methodists to refuse us their building and in every way sought to break up the [introduction?] of the church. But why do the people rage and the people imagine a vain, vain thing? The work will prosper if of God, if naught it ought to fail. This has been the most encouraging service I have yet held. All present seemed deeply interested and seemed to have come for some other object than curiosity."10
Episcopal services were halted for a month because the Methodist revival meetings required the use of the building every night. Episcopal services were resumed on April 1st, though Rankin noted that attendance was down and attributed this to Presbyterian opposition."11
Rankin's mission to Madison was notable for several reasons. It is in this period (1850-53) that we see the formal apparatus of a parish being set up: choir, Confirmation instruction, and Sunday School. We also see evidence of the active participation of blacks in the early life of Grace Church.
On April 29th, 1851, Rankin commented in his journal, apparently with some surprise, "Was pleased to find [a] colored girl familiar with prayer book. Some 6 or 7 of her companions were with her."12 Rankin was anxious to introduce more music to the services, not surprising in light of his High Church proclivities. It was the faithful contingent of black girls that provided the talent and enthusiasm. On May 6th, the priest noted the "colored girl in the gallery sang so well that I taught her Gloria in excelsis after service." On May 13th, he "instructed colored girls in chanting after service. They took to it [illegible] and found but little difficulty in the [illegible]."13 At the May 20th service, the choir made its first public appearance. The "colored choir sang sweetly. They evidently enjoy the music." Over the spring and summer, the choir expanded its repertoire and Rankin noted constant improvement.14
Blacks also took an active role in the early years of the parish. On July 29th, 1851, Rankin's assistant, McVickar, was somewhat surprised to be approached by a black communicant who expressed the need for an Episcopal parish in Madison. "After service was addressed by a colored woman named Mary Cox from Hyde Park (& had known our family there). She was Mr. [William] Gibbon's cook, had been confirmed by Bishop Hobart and was a communicant but, having no church nearby, had been attending the Methodist meetings."15 The black choir girls formed the first Sunday School class as Rankin and McVickar began to instruct them in the Catechism. Their instruction began with a visit to St. Peter's which "greatly interested" them.16
A major first for the burgeoning Madison congregation was the upcoming visit by Bishop Doane. In preparation for this event, Rankin announced that he would begin Confirmation classes. The Bishop's visitation took place on October 7th, 1851 and eight people were confirmed including at least one black woman, Elisa Furman.17
Other sacramental events of the church began to occur with regularity. On September 4th, 1851, Rankin officiated at the marriage of Johannes Oertel and Julia Torrey. On January 17th, 1852, he baptized the two youngest children of James and Mary Aspinwall, an English couple who were very active in the early parish. Their eldest child, age five, had died the night before. All three children had scarlet fever and the middle child died the following day.18 The Aspinwall children were the first recorded baptisms, but others followed in regular succession. On May 4th, 1852, Rankin baptized Lucas, son of William and Mary Sylvester, a black couple. The sponsors were Mary Cox, Elisa Furman and her husband. Rankin reported 'large attendance" at this service.19 On June 29th, another black child was baptized, identified only as the son of Mrs. Rex. Mary Cox again stood sponsor.20
On November 2nd, 1851, Sunday afternoon services were begun, still held in the Methodist Church, and Tuesday night services were discontinued. The Sunday services were led by McVickar and he noted that attendance on Sunday was generally double that of Tuesday, which had been averaging around forty-five to fifty. On this date, also, the music program was placed under the charge of Johannes Oertel. The Sunday services, however, only lasted till April, 1852 when McVickar left St. Peter's. Tuesday evening services were then resumed.21
Unfortunately, Rankin's diary ends on September 21st, 1852 as he was preparing for another Bishop's visitation. But we may assume that activities similar to the ones already described continued and increased as plans were laid to turn the Madison mission of St. Peter's into an independent parish. Toward this end, a Sunday School was begun under the leadership of Catherine Burgie. The Sunday School was organized on May 29th, 1853 and ran without interruption until it was absorbed into the new parish, at which time it included six teachers and twenty-eight students.22
On September 23rd, 1854, a meeting was held at the home of Colonel Samuel Hunting, owner of the Bottle Hill Tavern, for the purpose of organizing an Episcopal parish in Madison. This was the beginning of Grace Church.23
For the first two months of its life, Grace Church was known as Zion Church, which was the name selected at the organizational meeting. Alfred M. Tredwell and John Gould were elected wardens. William W. Beach, Halsey Munson, Johannes Oertel, Francis S. Lathrop and Joseph A. Dean were elected to the vestry. The Rev. John A. Jerome of the Diocese of Massachusetts was called to be rector. He accepted and arrived within a fortnight. The first service was held on October 8th, 1854 at the Odd Fellows Hall at 7 Waverly Place, which remained the congregation's home until the church was built.1
The transitional period was smooth and parish life proceeded without interruption. Bishop Doane visited the following week (October 15th) and confirmed five persons. On November 8th, Jerome began a Wednesday evening series of lectures. The first Eucharist was celebrated on November 12th and thirteen persons received the sacrament.2 On November 20th, for reasons unknown, the name of the parish was changed to Grace Church, and was incorporated the following day under that name.3 Thirty-three families constituted the new congregation. Their social make-up indicates that Grace Church ministered to a wide cross-section of the community.
One of Grace Church's original members was a black man, Thomas Furman who, with his wife Elisa and seven children, played an active role in the parish for over twenty years. Margaret Quanto was another of the charter members, and another black family, the Sylvesters, joined in May 1855. The extensive participation of blacks in the life of the parish is one of the factors making the history of Grace Church unique.
The existence of black Episcopalians was not in itself unusual. It has been commonly assumed that, historically, blacks have been either Baptists or Methodists. But since colonial days there has been a small but significant black presence in the Anglican Church. Generally, however, black Episcopalians formed separate congregations, such as St. Philip's, New York City and St. Philip's, Newark from a desire to avoid second-class status in white-dominated churches and to run their own affairs. So, it is fair to say that the church at large was racially integrated, but individual congregations were not. This is what makes Grace Church so unusual. It was one of the very few Episcopal congregations where blacks played an active role in an integrated congregation.4 We have already seen, for example, the participation of blacks in the choir5 as well as their presence in Confirmation classes and the organization of the parish. This is all the more impressive since a black church already existed in Madison. So, presumably, those blacks attending Grace Church did so because they wanted to be Episcopalians, rather than for lack of any other congenial place to worship.
In fact, very cordial relations developed between Grace Church and this black congregation known as the African Union Church. In 1859, Grace Church vestryman Judge Francis Lathrop bought a lot on Kings Road and presented it to the black church, and also paid for the removal of their building to the new site. In 1870, this group joined the African Methodist Episcopal denomination. Their present building was built in 1885.6
Another unusual feature of the early years of Grace Church was that a slaveholder was also one of the original members of the congregation. This was William Heyward Gibbons, only son of the William Gibbons who built the Gibbons Mansion which is now Mead Hall, the administration building of Drew University. The Gibbonses were Episcopalians and played an active role in the formation of Grace Church. The legend has persisted that the Gibbonses owned slaves who were housed in the low-ceilinged rooms in the basement of the mansion. This legend may have been promoted by the fact that the Gibbonses did own extensive holdings in Georgia, in which many slaves were located.
It is ironic that the home of one of Grace Church's first families is now identified with Methodism. More ironic is the fact that a slaveholder who identified with the south was able to worship in the same church as free blacks and work with them in a common cause.7
One of the major concerns of the congregation meeting in Odd Fellows Hall was to secure a permanent home, and efforts were undertaken immediately. On November 9th, 1854, Judge Lathrop bought the plot of land where the church now stands from Augustus Blanchet for $1000 and donated it to the church. Construction began in the Spring of 1855. An interesting account of the building survives, written by an anonymous Presbyterian. This chronicler tells us that "the master builder was a Mr. Coulter of the City of New York - the head mason being Patrick Collum of this village." The laying of the cornerstone on June 7th, 1855 warranted a special ceremony "in the presence of about fifty persons, including workmen (the day being stormy) and Rev. Mr. Jerome conducted the service while Rev. Philemon B. Coe of Plainfield made the address, in the absence of the bishop who was expected."
This Presbyterian reporter did not take kindly to the Episcopal presence in Madison and remarked, contrary to the evidence, that "it has not in the least degree affected either our own church or that of our Methodist brethren." This person also echoed the stereotypical view of the Episcopal Church, noting that the Congregation was "backed up by the vast moneyed influence of the Gibbonses and Messrs. Lathrop, Dean, Treadwell, and Gould."8
In the meantime, Grace Church went through its first change of rectors. Jerome's original call had been for a year. At the end of that year, he resigned to leave for a post in Pennsylvania. The vestry offered the post to Mr. Anthon of New York who declined.9 The vestry then called Samuel Randall of Pittsburgh, who accepted at a salary of $900 per year.10
The church building was nearing completion at this point and the anonymous Presbyterian reporter tells a curious anecdote in this regard:
In putting up the stonework, the head mason who is a Roman Catholic put up in the front peak a large stone with a cross deeply cut in it - remarking that, as it was soon to come into the hands of the Catholics, he wanted to make the building so that it would then need no altering. The head carpenter seeing it went up to it with a large stone hammer and with one prodigious blow hurled the offending stone to the ground simply reminding the mason that it would be soon enough to put such a thing there when the plan called for it!11
When completed, the building, including bell and organ, cost about $9000 and seated two hundred persons. There was also a Sunday School classroom accommodating fifty.12
The first service was held in the new church on April 13th, 1856, the day Samuel Randall began his rectorship. The building was consecrated by Bishop Doane on May 18th, 1857.13 There were no plans for a rectory yet and the early rectors generally rented homes in the vicinity.
Randall served as rector for six years. These years were uneventful in the life of the parish but provided the stability necessary for a new parish to grow. Randall died while conducting the Easter service on April 20th, 1862.14 This unfortunate event plunged Grace Church into a new period of instability.
From a reading of the parish records and vestry minutes, one would never know that there was a national controversy over slavery or a Civil War. This reflects the position of the national church, but, of course, one must assume that, in fact, these events were of crucial importance to local residents and Grace Church members. The presence of blacks, not to mention the presence of the Gibbonses, would certainly suggest this. And surely it must have created quite a stir when William Gibbons went to fight for the Confederacy. There is also a legend that tunnels exist under the church which were part of the "Underground Railroad". They assisted escaped slaves from the south on their journey to Canada. There is no evidence to suggest the existence of such tunnels and, if they exist, they are skillfully concealed. Given the active presence of blacks and their benefactors such as Lathrop, such an activity would not be at all surprising. Nor would the vestry be expected to advertise it in their minutes, since harboring escaped slaves was a federal offense.
Grace Church's official silence on slavery followed the policy of the national Church. Unlike the Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists, the Episcopal Church never officially split during the slavery crisis and subsequent war. The southern dioceses did "secede" from the church, but the General Convention never acknowledged this rupture, and simply considered the missing dioceses as "absent." The wisdom of this policy was apparent after the war was over. Because they had never officially left, the "absent" brethren were welcomed back with no difficulty. In contrast, the northern and southern Methodists did not reunite until 1939, and the Presbyterians and Baptists still have northern and southern denominations to this day.15
Following Randall's death, Grace Church had to search for a new rector. On June 16th, 1863 the vestry called Walter Windeyer of Newark and he accepted.16 Windeyer holds the unfortunate distinction of being the only Grace Church rector ever to be fired. Needless to say, his tenure was a stormy one.
Windeyer was a deacon at the time he was hired and it was over a year before he was ordained to the priesthood.17 He was hired at $400 per year, plus use of a rented parsonage and grounds valued at $800 per year. Sometime during his tenure, Windeyer purchased this home for himself from its owner, Augustus Blanchet. At the time, it was located adjacent to the church, but now can be found at 47 Madison Avenue, directly opposite the Drew gate.18 The purchase of this home suggests that Windeyer must have had a private income. At any rate, money seemed to be the main cause of his difficulties at Grace Church.
On November 26th, 1863, after being at Grace Church for a year and a half, Windeyer asked for and received a $200 increase in his yearly salary.19 It appears he was never satisfied and frequently complained about his pay. The great controversy that led to his dismissal began in 1866. The original circumstances are not clearly spelled out in the vestry minutes, but apparently Windeyer was not satisfied with his salary offer for 1866. In his report to the diocese on the state of the parish, Windeyer complained and his remarks appeared in the proceedings of the diocesan convention. He was quoted as saying, "The temporal interests of the Parish are not in a very prosperous condition. It is not for the lack of means but for the want of heart in the service of Christ."20
The vestry was irate and Judge Lathrop wrote a letter of response which he had read into the vestry minutes:
The allegation is clear and emphatic ... I would respectfully ask if this published condemnation of a people by its Rector is discreet, charitable, or just? Can it possibly tend to improve the heart or increase their love and respect for the church?21
The vestry concurred with Lathrop and also stated that Windeyer's report "will, on being known to some of the members of this Congregation heretofore contributing to the support of the church, prevent the raising of a reasonable salary for his support."22
Windeyer tried to mend fences and wrote to the vestry on March 8th, 1866: "I desire to disclaim any intention to impute [the members of this congregation] any want of liberality or interest in the temporal affairs of the church. ... the real want of a more generous support to the church has been from the unwillingness on the part of its members to solicit from its friends outside the parish."23 This was an unusual form of apology, in which he blamed the members after denying he was blaming them. The suggestion that non-members should contribute to the church's support is also odd. Not surprisingly, this letter only made matters worse, and Windeyer was promptly visited by a deputation from the vestry. The purpose of their visit was explained by Windeyer in his written reply:
In reply to the question put to me by Judge [PG.] Ellsworth and Mr. [Ellis] Potter as a deputation for the wardens and vestry of Grace Church whether I would be willing to release the vestry from the obligation of guaranteeing my salary for the present year, I beg to say that I consent if the vestry deem it best.24
In other words, Windeyer would receive no regular salary but would get whatever was left over from revenues after expenses had been paid. The vestry also decided to terminate his contract at the end of the year.25 This was hardly the end of Windeyer's troubles, though.
In June, 1866, another dispute arose, again over money. A substitute priest had been preaching while Windeyer was out of town and his fee was deducted from Windeyer's "salary." There was some dispute over how many services the substitute had conducted. Windeyer claimed he owed the man only $20, but the parish treasurer, W. W. Beach, said the substitute was owed $45. The matter was referred to the finance committee, but was not resolved till after Windeyer was no longer rector.26
With Windeyer's term of office drawing to a close, the vestry reported their decision to Bishop William Henry Odenheimer in a letter dated December 3rd, 1866:
The vestry desire that the engagement with Mr. Windeyer should be terminated without any unkind feeling on either side; They are confident that you can represent to Mr. Windeyer that the harmony and interests of the Parish require that he should no longer be the incumbent, and they have decided to ask your kind offices in this matter, desiring that you will make such a communication to him as will prevent any opposition on his part to the will of the vestry.
/s/ Ellis Potter
Clerk of the Vestry27
Though Windeyer's departure was a foregone conclusion at this point, he was not without defenders. Included in the vestry minutes is an unidentified newspaper clipping dated January 9th, 1867 which contains a statement from a dissenting group. Some members of the congregation felt that Windeyer had been ill-treated and they formed a committee to make known their views. Joseph E. Muchmore was the chairman. Other members included Albert P Carter, A. Lavalle, and John Magee. They drafted a statement which said,
1. That we, communicants and pew holders in Grace Church, Madison, feel constrained, from recent proceedings on the part of the wardens and a portion of the vestry of this church to express in this public manner our sincere sympathy with the Rev. Mr. Windeyer, whose work and labor of love amongst us have met with our entire approbation.
2. That the actions of the wardens and a portion of the vestry of this church in recent and unjust proceedings against the Minister of this Parish has our UNQUALIFIED DISAPPROBATION.
3. That we, the Congregation, do hereby request the wardens and vestrymen of Grace Church, Madison, TO RESIGN.28
This was by no means the end of the matter, though. The question of the disputed $25 was still not resolved. Windeyer had apparently admitted that the $45 claim was correct, but now changed his mind again and said he should only be required to pay $20. The vestry was not amused. "The [Finance] Committee had hoped at this last meeting to have finally closed the accounts but Mr. Windeyer, having become excited and personal in his remarks, your committee retired, and they have no hope of being able to render any further assistance in adjusting the accounts." The matter was referred to an independent referee.29
Fortunately for the young church, Windeyer was succeeded by one of Grace Church's most distinguished rectors, Dr. John Henry Hobart, Jr., youngest son and namesake of the bishop. Hobart had been filling in after Windeyer was dismissed and was offered the rectorship, which he accepted on February 21st, 1867.30
Hobart was born in 1817 and graduated from Columbia University in 1836. He was ordained in 1841 by Bishop B.T. Onderdonk. He had served as assistant at Trinity, New York City from 1848 to 1863 and had come to Grace Church after serving as rector at Trinity, Fishkill, New York. Columbia had awarded him a Doctor of Divinity degree in 1856. He edited his father's works and wrote three of his own: Instruction and Encouragement for Lent 1859, Medievalism 1877, and Church Reform in Mexico 1877.31
While at Grace Church, Hobart lived at his family homestead, Hobart Hill in Summit. His five year tenure was uneventful, but provided the parish with the calmness and stability it needed after the turmoil of the Windeyer years. On September 5th, 1871 Hobart informed the vestry of his intention to resign, effective October 1st. He had not intended to stay at Grace as long as he did, and found the commute from Summit an increasing chore. He felt that the church needed a resident rector and advised the vestry to build a rectory.32
Hobart was succeeded by Abbott Brown of New York City.33 The vestry heeded Hobart's advice and began preparations to build a rectory.34 Brown was not to enjoy it, though, as he resigned on November 22nd, 1872. No reason for his resignation is given in the vestry minutes.35
On April 23rd, 1873, Dr. Daniel C. Weston of Stratford, Connecticut was hired at a salary of $1500 per year. He and his wife resided in Summit until the rectory was finished.36 Weston took office the first Sunday in June, 1873.
The year 1873 was an important one for the national Church, as the increasing tension between High and Low factions culminated in a full-blown crisis. The years following the Civil War brought the most bitter conflict the Episcopal Church had yet seen, over Ritualism. The Ritualists were the younger and more extreme Anglo-Catholics who wanted to push further in a Roman Catholic direction. They held a view of the Eucharist that was essentially the same as that of the medieval Catholic Church (i.e. the Mass is a resacrifice of Christ offered by the priest in Christ's place) and they wished to express this theology in liturgical practices not sanctioned by the Book of Common Prayer. They also stress the uniqueness of Anglicanism (as compared with other Protestant denominations) and the apostolic succession. The Low Church party was not only appalled by such practices, but the more Evangelical among them were moving in the direction of closer contact with evangelicals of other denominations. Finally, in 1873 the extreme Low Church faction seceded from the church and founded the Reformed Episcopal Church. The following year's General Convention formulated a canon which restricted the practices of the Ritualists. But it was a restriction more honored in the breach than the observance, and was abandoned in 1903. In practice, the debate over these questions established a principle of ritual liberty which served well until the 1970s.37
This schism does not seem to have greatly affected Grace Church, which in the nineteenth century followed the general High Church orientation of the Diocese of New Jersey. Bishop Doane had been called upon several occasions to defend his views against charges of "popery."38 Low Church priests often received rough treatment from their bishops.39 Though they were a majority in New Jersey, the Anglo-Catholic party was in the minority nationally. But they simply ignored the "anti-Romish" edicts of General Convention and continued their practices such as elevation of the elements and genuflections. At this time, religious orders were founded in Newark, Jersey City, and Mendham.40
In 1874, the Diocese of New Jersey was split in two due to a rapidly growing population rather than any doctrinal differences. The northeast section carved out of the old diocese was called the Diocese of Northern New Jersey, while the other section retained the name, Diocese of New Jersey. William Henry Odenheimer, who had been Bishop of New Jersey since 1859, elected to continue with the northern section and became the first bishop of the new diocese, a position he held until 1880. In 1887, the Diocese of Northern New Jersey changed its name to the Diocese of Newark.41
Grace Church was against splitting the Diocese of New Jersey and passed a resolution against it. Because of the building of the new rectory, the congregation felt it could not afford the higher quota necessary to support a new diocese.42
In 1874, the rectory was completed and the Westons were the first family to reside in it. This building now comprises the parish offices, but at that time it was not connected to the church building. At this time, the membership totaled thirty-five families or 130 individuals. Also, we are told that Miss Julia Lovell conducted a "dame school" in the church during the week.43
On November 1st, 1878, the rector resigned, citing the poor health of his wife and himself. The vestry, reluctant to lose him and concerned about the rapid turnover of rectors, offered to give Weston a year's leave of absence with full pay and use of the rectory if he would reconsider. Weston asked for time to think it over. A few days later he replied in the negative, saying that he appreciated the vestry's offer but felt it would put an undue financial burden on the parish. He did note, however, "If I was fifteen years younger, the case would be different."44 (The stained glass window "Charity" was given in memory of Weston's wife, Mary Catherine North, who died on August 4th, 1882.)
Robert Rogers of New York became the new rector on April 1st, 1879. His tenure was brief, too, as he resigned on October 21st, 1881. "Circumstances connected with the health of my family lead me to consider a change of residence desirable."45
In the midst of the search for yet another rector, Francis Lathrop died. One of the original vestrymen, charter member, and generous benefactor, he more than anyone else was the man who symbolized Grace Church in its early years.46 His passing marked the end of an era in Grace Church's history - an era of building and consolidating, marked by participation of a wide segment of the community: black and white, abolitionist and slaveowner, society matron and tavern owner, recent immigrant and colonial heir. Lathrop's death in 1882 occurred just at the time when some of the nation's wealthiest families were moving into the Madison area, signalling a new era for Grace Church.
In the last two decades of the nineteenth century more than ninety millionaires, including some of the nation's wealthiest tycoons, moved to Morristown and neighboring towns. Many of these people were Episcopalians and some of them joined Grace Church, decisively changing the social complexion of the parish and inaugurating an era that lasted up until the end of World War II.
These families moved to Morris County because of its healthful climate, rural beauty, availability of large tracts of land, and the existence of a railroad which suddenly put New York within commuting distance. In Morris County they were able to re-create the life of English country squires. A vital part of such a life was, of course, involvement in the local Episcopal church.1
Two of the most famous and wealthy of these families, the Twombleys and the Dodges, belonged to Grace Church, as did, later, the Scribners, Cutlers and Moores. The presence of such people had a decisive effect on the life of the parish. Their impact, though, had both positive and negative aspects. Certainly, these families were extremely generous to the church. Many of the additions and improvements to the physical plant could not have been made without their assistance.
Today, a number of parishioners remember this era as a time when Grace Church was "a private chapel for a few rich families." Another parishioner relates that she remembers how, when the parish needed money for some project, one of these wealthy members would simply give a tea and put out a silver bowl, into which the guests would deposit hundred-dollar bills (or thousand-dollar checks!). Although such fund-raising methods were effective and efficient, they did tend to cut down on community involvement. Such anecdotes illustrate vividly the characteristics of Grace Church in this period. Because these wealthy families were so generous, the church did not need to broaden its financial base with additional membership from the community at large. Consequently, the parish from the 1890s to World War ll tended to remain fairly constant in membership and rather inward-looking.2
On June 9th, 1882, the rectorship was offered to William Egbert of Morristown. Egbert apparently took a relatively long time pondering this offer, as he did not decline it until September 20th. His wife was in poor health and he did not want to move her. However, he consented to serve as priest-in-charge, as long as he could remain in his Morristown residence. This was agreed, and the Grace Church rectory was rented out. Egbert is listed in parish records as the (eighth) rector, but incorrectly. He never was rector, just priest-in-charge, albeit for a rather long time.3 0n May 22nd, 1884, Egbert resigned.4
He was succeeded by Albert Tenney, who had previously served at Briar Cliff, NY and also as chaplain at Sing Sing Prison. Tenney accepted the call to Grace Church on September 18th, 1884 and resigned in April 1888.5 He was succeeded by Edwin E. Butler. Unfortunately, we do not know much about these years since many of the church records and vestry minutes were destroyed in a fire in a private house in 1904.
We do know, however, that one recurring problem in these years was an on-going dispute with Evergreen Cemetery in Morristown over a tract of land set aside for the use of Grace Church. The church claimed it owned the tract, which had been bequeathed by a parishioner, but the cemetery denied that the church held valid title to the land.6
On October 29th, 1906, Butler resigned, effective January Ist, 1907, citing "nerve-trouble" in his face which had been plaguing him for six years.7 Butler was succeeded by Dr. Joseph N. Blanchard, who took office on February 1st, 1907. Blanchard had been born sometime around 1847 in Albany, New York. He graduated from Amherst College and Berkeley Divinity School, and was ordained in 1874. He came to Grace Church from Trinity, Boston. During his tenure at Boston, he was awarded the Doctor of Divinity degree by his alma mater, Amherst.8
Shortly after Blanchard's arrival, the matter with Evergreen Cemetery was settled. The church gave up its claim to the Cobb-Lathrop tract in return for the right of any bona fide parishioner to be buried in the cemetery.9
At this time, the vestry also considered a new method of fund-raising. The main source of the church's income was derived from pew rentals, a practice that continued up to the early 1950s, supplemented by the collections taken at the various services. In March, 1907, the vestry authorized moving to a pledge/envelope system. Three months later the results of the experiment were deemed to be "very encouraging" and the practice continued.10
A considerable expense was incurred by the need to alter the chancel to accommodate the choir of men and boys which was organized in the latter months of 1906.11 Plans were drawn up to enlarge the chancel and the Sunday School wing as well. The estimated cost was $4000 which six of the parish's philanthropists agreed to underwrite. The six were Mrs. A.G. Evans, Hamilton Twombley, Dr. Leslie Ward, Charles Scribner, George Kip, and Richard Williams. In addition, Twombley donated land which he felt would “complete" the church grounds. The project was completed in October, 1907 at a cost of $3987.02 - slightly under budget.12
The largesse of these generous members also made possible an increase in the rector's salary from $1400 to $1600 in April, 1908, and the following month from $1600 to $1800.13
With the establishment of a choir and the enlargement of the chancel, the vestry considered the time appropriate to move the organ from the gallery to the chancel, which would, of course, require further alterations in the church building.14 it was decided to construct a special room for the organ on the west side of the chancel, and at the same time make repairs to the church and rectory. Three months later the rector was able to report that $1469.95 had been paid or pledged toward the renovation. The entire project took almost three years. Mr. Schlatter, who had built the organ, was hired to oversee its relocation, and Louis C. Tiffany was hired to re-decorate the chancel.15 A generous and anonymous parishioner who "came [to church] regularly" offered to install twelve pews in the gallery at his own expense provided increased revenue be applied to the rector's salary.16
The parish had hardly had time to admire or enjoy their beautiful new chancel when disaster struck in the form of a fire in January, 1912 which caused considerable damage to the altar. Tiffany graciously offered to redo the chancel at a cost of only $140.17
Meanwhile the life of the parish proceeded. A boys' choir had been formed in November, 1906. By 1911, the inevitable occurred. "The rector reported that a number of the choir boys had recently been forced to sever their connections with the choir on account of their voices changing and it was resolved that he convey to them the thanks of the vestry for their faithful services."18 Fortunately, new recruits were found and the boys' choir continued, as it has to the present day. It is the oldest of the Grace Church choirs in years of continuous service.
In November, 1912, Dr. Blanchard checked into a New York hospital for an operation for an undisclosed ailment, but died suddenly on November 27th, 1912. The congregation and the town were stunned. His death was the lead story of that week's Madison Eagle and his photograph adorned its front page. In addition to the regular Episcopal funeral held at Grace Church, the Madison churches held a union memorial service at the Webb Chapel of the Presbyterian Church in which representatives of all the local churches participated.19
The difficult search for a new rector began. The first and second choices for the position, a Mr. Bottom and H.P Nichols, both turned down the job. The position was then offered to Victor W. Mori, who accepted in September, 1913.20
Mori was a young priest, only four years out of seminary, and he faced the prospect of ministering to a parish that included the nation's wealthiest tycoons and most imposing grande dames. Yet, he proved more than capable of meeting the challenge, and he remained at Grace Church for thirty-eight years and became an institution himself. A 1907 graduate of Columbia University, Mori then went on to General Theological Seminary and was ordained deacon in 1909 and priest in 1910. He had been serving as curate at St. Martin's in St. Martin's, Pennsylvania when he received the call to Grace Church.21 0ne of the hallmarks of his tenure, as many have commented, was his ability to "handle” his millionaire parishioners. Certainly, these notables treated him very well, if their gifts are any indication of the esteem in which the rector was held. In 1925, "Mrs. Scribner and friends" sent Mori and his family on a three-month vacation abroad. And in 1930 the Dodges underwrote the building of a new (the present) rectory.22
Victor Mori remained at Grace Church till his retirement in 1951, and put his imprint on an era of parish history. He led the parish through two world wars and a depression, though there is scant mention of these developments in the parish records. He knew, above all, how to relate to the wealthy families who dominated the era. Some of these families invariably looked upon the church as their private chapel. The choirs routinely went to sing at the Scribner and Twombley estates. The Twombleys also gave an annual Christmas dinner for the choir boys at which they were waited on by liveried servants. Not surprisingly, certain tensions did arise, though they were kept muted. Every parishioner interviewed who belonged to the church at that time, even those who were children then, commented that the class distinctions within the church were obvious. Likewise, the liturgy was rigid and formal and, except for the choirs, lay participation was negligible.23
The tenure of Mori also saw the beginning of the Young People's Fellowship around 1929 and the development of the Boys' Choir as a major institution.24 The Boys' Choir had been in existence since 1906, but it achieved a revitalization in 1935 when Melville "Bucky" Coursen, Jr. was appointed choirmaster.25 Coursen's enthusiasm and leadership invigorated the choir and provided an exuberant contrast to the introverted nature of the rest of the parish. He opened the choir to boys of all denominations. This was a wise decision, since none of the other churches in town had a boys' choir. Coursen actively sought recruits all over town and besides expanding the choir and bringing in new talent, he also received a few converts to Episcopalianism. In contrast to the rest of parish life, the Boys' Choir was noted for its wide-open friendliness to all comers and its inner cohesion, aided by social outings and sporting events. Despite the fact that the boys gave Bucky a hard time on occasion, he was able to instill in them a lifelong appreciation of music and the liturgy.26
With the coming of World War II, parish life was certainly disrupted as seventy-seven men and women joined the armed services. During this time, many parish activities dwindled because of lack of numbers. It was largely through the efforts of Morgan and Helen Thomas that activities picked up during the mid and late 1940s. Morgan Thomas restarted the church school in 1943, and Helen Thomas began a church school choir in 1946. An acolyte guild and adult choir were also revived during this period. On September 11th, 1947, Mr. Thomas was appointed "Lay Assistant to the Rector" and played an increasingly important role in running the church as Mori approached retirement age.27
In the years immediately following the war, though, it became apparent that the population explosion and the exodus to the suburbs was bringing Grace Church to a new era in its history.
Change came to Grace Church in the post-war years for two reasons. Many of the tycoons of the previous era died or were too old or infirm to play a major role in parish life. Often their heirs did not keep up their estates. With the demise of this group and the loss of their financial contributions, the church was forced to expand its financial base and actively seek new members. Fortunately, this was made feasible by the rapid rise in population, as the post-war baby boom and financial prosperity brought many new people (especially young couples just starting families) to suburbs like Madison.
This new era for Grace Church was symbolized by the retirement of Mori in 1951 and the installation of his successor, William L. Nieman. Nieman, a graduate of Bard College and The General Theological Seminary, had been ordained deacon and priest in 1939. He was serving as rector of St. John's, Bernardsville at the time of his call to Grace Church.1
The rapid rise in population is indicated by a church census in 1952 which indicated 100 members and/or regular attendants. Most significantly, with the influx of young families, there were eighty-five children between the ages of one and three, forty-five between the ages of four and five, and forty between the ages of six and seven. If nothing else, this indicated the need to immediately enlarge the Sunday School.2
Almost immediately after his arrival, Nieman faced a minor crisis regarding the organist, Durwood Reese. Reese had been "specifically instructed in his duties" but was not playing for the ten to fifteen minutes before the 11:00 service began, even after the vestry repeated the request. A month later (May 1952) it was noted that the "organist had not fully complied with the past requests concerning his duties." Such behavior was unacceptable to a church that prided itself on its tradition of fine music, and the vestry began to look for other candidates. At the next vestry meeting Reese was given three months notice and Marino Nardelli was hired to replace him.3
Pews were still being rented as late as 1953, but the vestry debated the efficacy and appropriateness of this system in January 1953 and shortly thereafter discontinued the practice.4 Another manifestation of changing times and attitudes was the limiting of wardens and vestrymen to two consecutive terms. Such a change had to be approved by the annual congregational meeting, which was on April 23rd, 1953 by a vote of 32 to 11.5
The rapid membership increase created a need for additional clergy. Seminarians from General had been assisting part-time since Nieman's arrival, but by 1954 the vestry recognized the need for a full-time curate since "this problem [the rector's workload] would probably grow acute within a year or two.6 The parish head-count of 1956 showed 456 families or 1150 individuals as members. The expanded parish was also outgrowing the existing building and a major expansion project was begun in 1957 which took almost two years to complete.7
In 1957, in the aftermath of the Hungarian uprising, a tradition of sponsoring refugee families began. A committee was formed to aid Hungarian refugees, and the church sponsored a mother and son who were soon settled in Madison.8
The turbulent sixties did not leave Grace Church unaffected. In 1962 the parish sponsored another refugee family, this time from Cuba.9
The burgeoning civil rights movement occasioned much discussion in the parish halls. The presence of a black community in Madison, as well as the universities, diminished the likelihood that Grace Church could be a passive observer in these events. On July 23rd, 1963 the rector reported that "civil rights picketing might take place in the Borough in connection with housing, and that a meeting was being called to consider the matter, to which representatives of the local churches were requested to be sent. It was the consensus of the vestry that the rector, if he deems it advisable, select one or more persons to attend the meeting as observers."10
It was not housing, however, but haircuts that brought Madison to national attention in the spring of 1964. When a black man was refused service in a local barbershop (on the grounds that the white barber did not know how to cut black hair), Drew students and others began picketing the barbershop. It was not long before national television networks sent their cameras and the "barbershop incident" was in full bloom. There was pressure exerted on Grace Church to take some official stance, but action came from Drew students. The Drew civil rights group which had been using meeting rooms in Grace was the subject of an extensive discussion at a vestry meeting:
The rector explained that he had withdrawn permission for the Drew University civil rights group to meet in the Canterbury Room of the Old Rectory, because of the parish's corporate status, and the possible legal responsibility involved. A meeting of community leaders at Grace Church to discuss the civil rights issue was called for Monday, April 20th, 1964. Reporting on this meeting, Mr. [John] Akers mentioned the serious implications of the current civil rights situation in Madison. He suggested the vestry members consider the issue carefully and outlined the problems that could arise following the outcome of a second general meeting to take place at Grace Church on Monday, April 27th, 1964. It was explained that the April 20th meeting was called with the idea that all community leaders and organizations be invited to participate in discussion of the civil rights issue as it affects Madison, rather than have the matter rest in the hands of a student group possibly lacking the maturity to proceed wisely and rationally. Mr. [Ernest] Waters said the Chancellor of the Diocese has advised that it would be difficult for the parish to be held responsible for any illegal actions of groups or individuals meeting on church property.11
The following week the vestry met again and had "an extended discussion regarding the civil rights activities in connection with the local barbershops." The result was the unanimous adoption of the following resolution: "that the rector, wardens and vestrymen of Grace Church, Madison, support the principle of non-discrimination because of race, creed or color in public business.12
Grace Church's ministry to local college students was greatly facilitated with the purchase of the Fog property adjacent to the church on January 30th, 1966. The house was renamed Hayes House in honor of Miss Antoinette Hayes whose bequest provided the funds for the purchase.13
In the late sixties the Vietnam War joined civil rights as one of the controversial issues facing American society. As in the barbershop crisis, Grace Church pursued a cautious path, respecting honest differences among parishioners, yet protecting parishioners from the appeals of outside groups while on church property.
Another issue of the turbulent sixties, reflected in the vestry minutes, involved the Black Panthers and the national church's seemingly favorable action toward that group.
Mr. [Covington] Shackleford noted that the Church of the Redeemer, Morristown, will present a convention resolution opposing the allotment of $7000 by the National Council of the Episcopal Church toward distribution of the Black Panther film, "Huey," because this organization has advocated the use of violence and hate in the civil rights movement. After a brief discussion, the rector said Bishop Stark will be asked to comment on the matter in his annual message to the Diocese.14
The seventies brought the end of another era to Grace Church's history. Nieman celebrated twenty-five years at Grace Church in 1976. The following spring, on March 26th, 1977, he resigned because of ill-health.15
After a long search, Hayward L. Levy was named rector on October 18th, 1977. A graduate of the University of Florida, Levy held a Master's degree in clinical psychology from Florida State University and a Master of Divinity degree from The General Theological Seminary. He had been ordained in the Diocese of Newark in 1962, and had served as rector of St. Peter's Church, Mountain Lakes and St. Bartholomew's Church, Ho-Ho-Kus, before his institution as rector of Grace Church on December 4th, 1977.16
The eight years of Fr. Levy's tenure saw activity on a number of fronts. A long standing difficulty, the lack of a cemetery, was resolved with the design and construction of a memorial garden and columbarium, with space for the interment of six hundred urns. New groups such as the Fellowship of Grace and the People Care Visiting Committee were organized and the long defunct Men's Club was revitalized. Another Grace Church tradition was extended when the parish sponsored the resettlement of a Laotian refugee family of five in December, 1979. Other innovations included the adoption of proportional giving as a standard of stewardship and the incorporation of the Grace Counseling Center as a major community outreach project.
In the preceding pages, mention has been made of some individuals who, through their generosity, have helped the material growth of Grace Church. There are and have been a legion of unnamed men and women who, through their personal sacrifice and hard work, have carried on through the past one hundred and thirty years. They will be an inspiration to all those who follow.
Editor's note:
In January, 1986 the Rev. Hayward Levy resigned his position as rector of Grace Church for reasons of health. The wardens and vestry instituted a search process which ended with the calling of the Rev. Robert W. Ihloff of St. Paul's Episcopal Church in Natick, MA to become the fourteenth rector of Grace Church with his institution on January 18th, 1987.
APPENDIX A
Rectors of Grace Church
John A. Jerome 1854-55
Samuel Randall 1855-62
Walter Windeyer 1863-67
John Henry Hobart, Jr 1867-71
Abbott Brown 1871-72
Daniel C. Weston 1873-78
Robert C. Rogers 1879-81
Albert F. Tenney 1884-88
Edwin E. Butler 1888-1906
Joseph N. Blanchard 1907-12
Victor W. Mori 1913-51
William L. Nieman 1951-77
Hayward L. Levy 1977-86
Robert W. lhloff 1987-
APPENDIX B
Bishops of Grace Church's Diocese
Diocese of New Jersey (1815-74)
John Croes 1815-32
George Washington Doane 1832-59
William Henry Odenheimer 1859-74
Diocese of Northern New Jersey/Newark (1874-)
William Henry Odenheimer 1874-80
Thomas A. Starkey 1880-1903
Edwin S. Lines 1903-27
Wilson R. Stearly 1927-35
Benjamin M. Washburn 1935-58
Leland Stark 1958-73
George Rath 1974-79
John S. Spong 1979-
NOTES
Chapter I. Colonial Background
I Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, A Proclamation (New York, 1702); Edgar L. Pennington, ed., Apostle of New Jersey: John Talbot, 1645-1727 (Philadelphia, 1938), 11.
1 Quoted in Ernest Hawkins, Historic Notices of the Missions of the Church of England in the North American Colonies (London, 1845), 22-23.
2 Pennington, Apostle of N.J., 180.
3 Matthew H. Henderson, The Days of Old: A Centennial Discourse (Newark, 1846), 11: Edward Vaughan to S.P.G., Oct. 6, 1731, in Samuel A. Clark, The Episcopal Church in the American Colonies: The History of St. John's Church, Elizabethtown, N.J. (New York, 1857), 49.
4 William H. Shaw, History of Essex and Hudson Counties, I (Philadelphia, 1884), 501.
5 William H. Manross, A History of the American Episcopal Church (New York, 1935), 181.
6 <7.> Ibid., 181-202; George Hodges, A Short History of the Episcopal Church, rev. ed. (Cincinnati, 1974), 48-61; Wallace N. Jamison, Religion in New Jersey: A Brief History (Princeton, 1964), 70f.
7 J. Elliott Lindsley, A History of St. Peter's Church, Morristown, N.J. (Morristown, 1952), 7-10; Journals of the Conventions of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the State of N.J. (New York, 1890), 554; Nelson R. Burr, “The Critical Period of the Episcopal Church in New Jersey,” Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church,* 29 (1960), 139-44.
8 Jamison, Religion in N.J., 73-74; Walter Herbert Stowe, "John Croes (1762-1832): First Bishop of N.J. (1815-1832),” HMPEC, 35 (1966), 221- 30.
9 Jamison, Religion in N.J., 73-74.
* Hereafter cited as HMPEC
Chapter II. Formation of the Parish
1 Grace Church Parish Records, hereafter cited as GCPR; “Copy of Diary of Revd. Charles W Rankin relating to the founding of the P.E. Church at Madison, N.J.,” courtesy of Mr. Archibald Cashion.
2 Manross, History, 202f.
3 Ibid., 270f.
4 Ibid., 270f.; Jamison, Religion in N.J., 132.
5 Jamison, Religion in N.J., 90-92.
6 Lindsley, St. Peter's, 35-38.
7 Rankin diary, Dec. 31, 1850.
8 Ibid., Feb. 11, 1851.
9 Ibid., Feb. 18, 1851.
10 Ibid., Feb. 25, 1851.
11 Ibid., Apr. 1, 1851.
12 Ibid., Apr. 29, 1851.
13 Ibid., May 6, 13, 1851.
14 Ibid., May 20, and various entries of June, July, 1851.
15 Ibid., Jul. 29, 1851.
16 Ibid., Aug. 5, 19, 1851.
17 Ibid., Sep. 2, Oct. 7,1851.
18 Ibid., Jan. 17, 18, 1852.
19 Ibid., May 4, 1852.
20 Ibid., Jun. 29, 1852.
21 Ibid., Nov. 2, 1851, Apr. 18, 1852.
1 GCPR.
2 GCPR: Madison's Heritage (Madison, N.J., 1964), 21.
Chapter III. Early Years
1 GCPR. See also William P. Tuttle, Bottle Hill and Madison (Madison, N.J., 1917), 234; Inventory of Church Archives of New Jersey: Protestant Episcopal - Diocese of New Jersey, Diocese of Newark (Newark, 1940), 293; History of Morris Co., N.J., 1739-1882 (New York, 1882; rpt. 1967), 210.
1 GCPR.
2 Grace Church Vestry Minutes, hereafter cited as GCVM, Nov. 20,1854; GCPR.
3 Robert A. Bennett, "Black Episcopalians: A History from the Colonial Period to the Present," HMPEC, 43 (1974), 231-45; John H. Hewitt, "The Sacking of St. Philip's Church, New York," HMPEC, 49 (1980), 7-20. The March 1980 issue of HMPEC is devoted to Black Episcopalianism.
4 Irene V. Jackson, "Music and Black Episcopalians,' HMPEC, 49 (1980), 21-35.
6 Tuttle, Bottle Hill, 237.
7 On the Gibbons family, see Ezra Squire Tipple, ed., Drew Theological Seminary, 1867-1917 (New York, 1917), 79-95; John T. Cunningham, University in the Forest: The Story of Drew University (Florham Park, N.J., 1972), 43-55; GCPR.
8 Anon. account of building of Grace Church, Madison Presbyterian Church Archives, courtesy of Viola Shaw and Ruth Smith.
1 GCVM, Nov. 7,1855.
2 GCVM, Dec. 31,1855; GCPR.
3 Presbyt. acct.
4 <12.> Ibid.
13 GCPR.
14 GCVM, Apr. 20,1862.
15 Hodges, Short History, 83; Manross, History, Ch. XIV.
16 GCVM, Jan. 16,1863.
17 GCVM, Jan. 16, 1863, Sep. 8, 1864.
1 GCVM, Jan. 16,1863; Tuttle, Bottle Hill, 129.
2 GCVM, Nov. 26, 1863.
20 GCVM, Feb. 3,1866.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid.
23 GCVM, Mar. 8, 1866.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 GCVM, Jun. 19,1866.
27 Potter to Odenheimer, Dec. 3, 1866, copy in GCVM.
1 GCVM, unident. newspaper clipping, Jan. 9,1867.
2 GCVM, Feb. 18, 1867.
3 GCVM, Hobart to vestry, Feb. 21,1867.
4 "John Henry Hobart, Jr.,” Appletons Cyclopedia of American Biography (New York, 1894), 111, 222.
32. GCVM, Sep. 5, 1871.
33. Brown to vestry, Nov. 22, 1871; GCVM, Nov. 30, 1871.
34. GCVM, Aug. 1, 1872.
35. GCVM, Nov. 22,1872.
36. GCVM, Apr. 20, 1873; Weston to vestry, May 2,1873.
37. Hodges, Short History, 84f; Manross, History, Ch. XIV; E.C. Chorley, Men and Movements in the American Episcopal Church (New York, 1946), 417f; Paul A. Carter, "The Reformed Schism of 1873: An Ecumenical Perspective,” HMPEC, 33 (1964), 225-38; Robert B. Mullin, "Ritualism, Anti- Romanism, and the Law in John Henry Hopkins," HMPEC, 50 (1981), 377-90.
38. Jamison, Religion in N.J., 90-92.
39. Ibid., 131.
40. Ibid., 132.
41. Ibid., 132; Inventory, 52.
42. GCVM, May 14,1874.
43. GCVM, May 26, 1873, May 14, 1874; Madison Eagle, Oct. 8, 1964.
44. GCVM, Nov. 1, 6, 1878.
1 GCVM, Oct. 21, 1881.
2GCVM, Mar. 10, 1882.
Chapter IV. The Era of Millionaires' Hegemony
1 John W. Rae and John W. Rae, Jr., Morristown's Forgotten Past: The Gilded Age (Morristown, 1979).
2 This paragraph is based on interviews with various parishioners. Though they did not request anonymity, I have decided to grant it anyway because of the delicate nature of the subject matter. Sources of the remarks are in my notes.
3 GCVM, Jun. 9, Sep. 20,1882. Thus, Fr. Levy is actually the thirteenth, not the fourteenth, rector of Grace Church.
4 CCVM, May 22,1884.
5 CCVM, Aug. 25, Sep. 18, 1884.
6 GCVM, Apr. 30,1906.
7 CCVM, Oct. 29,1906.
8 Biographical information taken from Blanchard's obituary in the Madison Eagle, Nov. 29, 1912.
9 GCVM, May 4,1907.
10 GCVM, Mar. 4, Jun. 3,1907.
11 GCVM, Jun. 3,1907.
12 GCVM, Jun. 29, Oct. 8, 1907.
13 GCVM, Apr. 20, May 1, 1908.
14 GCVM, Jun. 1, 1908.
15 GCVM, Jul. 16, Oct. 5, 1908, Oct. 4, Dec.6,1909.
On Tiffany and his work in churches, see Robert Koch, Louis C. Tiffany: Rebel in Glass (New York, 1964); Robert Koch, Louis C. Tiffany's Art Glass (New York, 1977); Mario Amayo, Tiffany Glass (New York, 1967).
16 GCVM, Jun. 19, 1911.
17 GCVM, Feb. 12,1912.
18 GCVM, Dec. 4,1911.
19 Madison Eagle, Nov. 29,1912.
20 GCVM, Apr. 24, Jun. 10, Jul. 8, Sep. 30, 1913.
21 Episcopal Clerical Directory (New York, 1962), 261.
1 GCM, Apr. 13, 1925, Apr. 21, Jul. 23, 1930.
2 Interviews.
24 GCVM, May 29,1929.
25 GCVM, Apr. 22,1935.
26 Interviews.
27 Interviews; CCVM, Jun. 20,1946, Sep. 11, 1947, Mar. 15,1951.
Chapter V. The Era of Suburban Expansion
1 Episcopal Clerical Directory (New York, 1981), 494; CCVM, Sep. 18, 1951.
2 GCVM, May 20,1952.
3 GCVM, Apr. 22, May 20, Jun. 17,1952.
4 GCVM, Jan. 19,1953.
5 GCVM, Feb. 17,1953.
6 GCVM, Feb. 16,1954.
7 Building Fund Drive Folder, GCPR.
8 GCVM, Jan. 1,5,1957.
9 GCVM, Dec. 18,1962.
10 GCVM, Jul. 22,1963.
11 GCVM, Apr. 21, 1964; see also Madison Eagle, Apr. 16, 23, 1964.
12 GCVM, Apr. 28, 1964; see also Madison Eagle, Apr. 30,1964.
13 GCVM, Jan. 30,1966.
14 GCVM, Apr. 28,1969.
1 GCVM, Mar. 26,1977.
2 <16.> Episcopal Clerical Directory (New York, 1931), 396
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